Towards the new republic

DIE HARD III
Herman Tiu Laurel
8/15/2007



Discussing the new republic and the revolution, retired air force colonel Gerry Cunanan asked, “But are we ready for the day after the revolution?” In other words: what is the plan, what is the platform, what are the actions to be taken to ensure that solutions and not problems are created. I said without hesitation, “I don’t know about others but some of us do know what to do, and I think the forces working towards the new republic are listening.”

For example, there is growing acceptance of a two to three year debt moratorium among likely leaders of the new republic. President Estrada is among those who have accepted this, as well as the Bagong Katipuneros. The debt trap that consumes at least 70% of the annual national revenues is the first task. Only a strong, revolutionary new republic can start the review and renegotiation of these debts. Automatic debt service allocation must be rejected, and if push comes to shove we must dare to default; as Mahathir said once to the Western powers: “Exploit us but exploit us fairly.”

Domestic exploitation issues, such as the unconscionable power, water, expressway toll, tax, communications and government service rates is vital, on which national well-being and viability stands. These economic-financial reforms that will establish a new course is the first task, and only with these shall the material hopes of this nation start lifting out from the gutter of poverty. As President Estrada often says, “A hungry stomach knows no laws”, and you can say that for the Christian peasant NPA or Muslim MILF-breakaway bandits.

Franklin Delano Roosevelt, on the eve of his social reforming “New Deal” said: “The hopes of the Republic cannot forever tolerate either undeserved poverty or self-serving wealth.” The aim of the twin pronged attack on the roots of the economic impoverishment of the people and the country is to cut by half the debt trap and the cost impositions on the people, to raise real national and household income, re-invigorate the people’s purchasing power, revive the domestic market and restore our industrial and export sectors’ Asian and international competitiveness.

We have seen such courageous reforms it in many countries, like Venezuela, Argentina, Bolivia, Ecuador, and before them in Japan after the Second World War, and South Korea and Taiwan, Singapore, Malaysia in the “tiger economy” era. But like the Venezuelan elite’s destablization of Chavez, the real challenge for us will be from the inevitable violent reaction of those whose wealth and power to exploit and oppress are curtailed. The guarantee of overcoming this is the unity of the enlightened civilian and military leadership.

“Leadership”, how many countless times have we heard this call? How many pretenders vie for this everyday; trapos jostling for the media limelight to pose and posture? The people are tired of them, affirming even without reading McGannon quip, “Leadership is action, not position.” Like Senator Kiko Pangilinan who demand AFP officers and soldiers be investigated by too much “dying” in Basilan, yet never so much as lets a hair on his coiffure be ruffled, or “Kung bad ka, lagot ka” Joker refusing to investigate Gloria’s really bad boys.

A leadership insight implanted in me since high school was from Arnold Toynbee’s “A Study of History”: Society or civilization’s survival depends on the “challenge and response”, with success of that response greatly dependent on “leadership” and “mimesis” - the ability of leadership to evoke “imitation” from the rest of society. “Follow the leader!” and “Leadership by example.”, so to speak. The essential link between leaders and followers is that element called “trust”, but the most elusive element for institutional leaders in this society today.

All other social institutional “leaders”, even religious, elicit only popular cynicism. Three out of four citizens don’t believe anything Gloria says, the other trapos fare no better. Ironically, “disgraced” President Estrada enjoys 45% trust rating, higher than any national political leader – without exception. Ramos, the power behind Gloria, fares the worse among former presidents; Cory Aquino come in second only to Estrada. There’s no survey of the trust level for Senator Antonio Trillanes IV, but his phenomenal election is the indication.

Despite five years of vilification, Trillanes unequivocal honesty and simplicity inspires trust; as one text reflects: “I noticed that Trillanes is always in white crew neck t-shirt. It is the cheapest in the senate. I’ll give him more of this shirt and a bolo, bagay na Katipunero.” Trillanes’ daring Oakwood move imprinted the image of Trillanes as “the man of action”, against the poseurs in trapo politics. If Abraham Lincoln is right saying: “No man is good enough to govern another man without that other's consent.”, then these two leaders elected by millions are certainly good enough.

A Chinese proverb says: “An army of a thousand is easy to find, but, ah, how difficult to find a general”. Here we have generals struggling for great ideals of truth and justice. They are most apropos for reflecting Rizal’s moral dictum: “It is a useless life that is not consecrated to a great ideal. It is like a stone wasted on the field without becoming a part of any edifice.” With them bridging three generations, civilian and military, the work towards the new Republic of Rizalia is half ocmplete.

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