DIE HARD III
Herman Tiu Laurel
10/8/2012
Objections to family political dynasties are based on the old democratic ideal of decentralization and distribution of political power to as many representations as possible. Enshrining that ideal in the Philippine Constitution in 1987 was a reflection of the national and popular sentiment of that time. It also reflected the belief in the Rule of Law; i.e. that once the ban on dynasties was made a constitutional principle then the ideal would prevail. The current backlash to the resurgence and proliferation of members of political families simultaneously occupying and running for high political offices, and/or transferring such offices to their succeeding generation reassure us that that ideal of distributive democracy is still alive; but the reality is that 25 years after the writing of the anti-dynasty provision these ideals are under mortal threatened from resurgent political dynasty-ism.
The anti-dynasty provision of the Constitution needs a law to be implementable and realizable. Unfortunately, that law has to be written by the Congress that has a long tradition of having ubiquitous old feudal, provincial-political, business oligarchy, sectarian religious families dominating it affairs. The enactment of a law to realize the anti-dynasty provision of the Constitution and the ideal of democratization of political power is put in the hands of the very same political families or dynasties that find the anti-dynasty idea anathema and wouldn't lift a finger to remove themselves from the Philippine power structure. It should be no surprise then that after 25 years, four administrations and congresses, no progress has been made in enacting any anti-dynasty law. Worse, dynasties have multiplied and consolidated.
One of the reasoning behind that anti-dynasty campaign is "power begets power," hence political power and its possession must be limited by political reform through legislation. For example, term limits for all levels of elective government officials: Hence we have three year terms of limited three term re-election for local and congressional officials, six year two term limit for senators and six-year one term, no re-election for president. Even these limits are being assailed by politicians today. The anti-dynasty provision of the Constitution is also besieged. The defense of the Rule of the Dynasties come ironically from the highest office of the land that is sworn to uphold and protect the Constitution, that is Malacañang; but again, we should not be surprised as its occupant is the epitome of the system — at least third generation heir of a political family, the Aquinos.
Malacañang's defense of the dynasties can be ridiculous. Here is one report from Madel Sabater, "Malacañang yesterday said there is nothing wrong with political dynasties, stressing that electing a public official should not be based on the name but on qualifications and track record. Deputy presidential spokesman Abigail Valte said it will be the voters who will decide if they are for government officials who have relatives in other elective government posts." But it is the dynasty principle that precisely puts the name of the candidate above all else, making political parties draft candidates solely on that basis to take advantage of "name recall," accumulated political family goodwill from the barangay captains to the Armed Forces of the Philippines or Philippine National Police members and Comelec, and the financial resources from years of legislative pork barrel accumulations.
Think of the qualifications of the candidates who inherit their candidacy from their incumbent parents, what can you find? Generally — nothing. There are a few good ones aided by their political parents in learning the craft of government, but the vast majority never had any background or inclination in public service. Some heirs have criminal past, like that drug user convicted in Hong Kong who will inherit his father's post this time around or another who has a rumored murder case that has not come to light due to a parent's political umbrage. Let's assume some of these dynastic political tykes may have potential, but their preemptive candidacies invariably deny opportunities to other aspirants who may be much more deserving, qualified and with glaring and proven public track records of advocacies and service.
Political dynasties flourish in many societies of diverse and contradictory political philosophies and systems. The Bush or Kennedy families in the US are dynasties, the "princelings" in China today are third generation heirs of the Communist Party of China from the time of Mao, Kim Jung Un is third generation in North Korea; in all these societies too there are currents and undercurrents of anti-dynasty sentiment and actual initiatives. The dialectics between the democratic principle and dynastic concentration of power will continue alongside the evolution of political and economic power based on the social and intellectual developments in the nation. If our ideals for modern and progressive distributive democracy and economics are to survive and overcome the trend toward the institutionalization of political and economic neo-feudalism, we must say no to political dynasty-ism.
(Watch Destiny Cable GNN's HTL edition of Talk News TV, Saturdays, 8:15 to 9 p.m., with replay at 11:15 p.m. and Sunday, and on www.gnntv-asia.com: this week "Filipino Franchises On a Roll"; tune to 1098AM radio Tuesday to Friday 5 to 6 p.m. http://newkatipunan.blogspot.com)
