A rendezvous with disappointment

AN OUTSIDER'S VIEW

Ken Fuller

4/24/2012

Supporters of Aung San Suu Kyi, leader of the National League for Democracy, were understandably delighted when the NLD won all the 44 seats it contested in Myanmar's April 1 by-elections. Presumably they believe that the day when Myanmar embarks upon the road to development and freedom is close to hand.

At the risk of being accused of being a curmudgeonly iconoclast, however, this outsider believes there is a strong chance that such supporters have a rendezvous with disappointment. After all who, in recent months, have been Aung San Suu Kyi's most vociferous international backers?

Last Dec. 2, fresh from her regime-change exploits in the Middle East and North Africa, US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton flew in and, accompanied by a team from the State Department and the US Embassy, met Aung Sang Suu Kyi for talks, the contents of which were not divulged.

Then, on April 13, following the NLD by-election victories, in came UK Prime Minister David Cameron on the last leg of a Southeast Asian tour to promote UK interests. The significance of this visit may be judged by the fact that Cameron was the first incumbent British leader to visit the country since independence in 1948. Accompanying him were 10 members of the business members of the tour, including "defense" company representatives, although Cameron's spokesmen were anxious to claim to the BBC that they were merely conducting "cultural" activities. Yeah, right.

What is happening here, of course, is that Western leaders, knowing full well that Myanmar's "democratic" reforms will result in openings for the transnational corporations whose interests they represent, are now hurrying to secure a place at the head of the line, preparatory to an undignified stampede once the doors swing open.

Cameron is well aware of the economic opportunities in Myanmar. On April 15, Richard Eden disclosed in The Telegraph that the British PM's mother-in-law, Lady Annabel Astor, established a company called Oka in 1999 to import rattan products from, among other countries, Myanmar. Embarrassed by the inconvenient human-rights outcry, the imports were suspended in 2007 but resumed the following year. Last year, the Viscountess Astor predicted that Oka was "three or four years away from 100 million pounds."

Cameron's in-law has, writes Eden, "turned Oka into one of the country's most desirable furnishings companies. It hit the headlines when it featured on the expenses claims of some of Cameron's allies, such as those of Michael Gove, the Education Secretary." (This refers to a quaint British practice whereby some politicians make fraudulent claims on the public purse regarding their homes and furnishings — small stuff by Philippine standards, although some of the practitioners are now behind bars.)

Be that as it may, surely the fate of Myanmar does not rest solely in the hands of Western economic interests? Surely Aung San Suu Kyi would not allow them to pillage her country? Surely the program of the NLD calls for an economy run by, and in the interests of, the people of Myanmar? Frankly, there appears to be something of a problem here.

If the NLD has a program, I have been unable to locate it. The closest I've come is the speech by Aung San Suu Kyi on March 14, when she outlined the party's "policy, stance and work programmes." Here, she explained "our ambitions for the nation and the people along with the principles that have been upheld for more than 20 years." The NLD's three priorities were "the rule of law, internal peace and constitutional amendments."

Regarding the first of these, she called for the abolition of "some outdated rules oppressing the people," the creation of an independent, "upright" judiciary, "complete press freedom," and the extension of "supporting networks of law to help the people." On the peace question, the NLD calls for a national ceasefire, negotiations, and the search for common ground in the construction of a "genuine democratic Union," as opposed to secession. As for the constitution, the NLD somewhat hazily believes that all representatives, "including united military forces, are to work together to amend the constitution with a sense of serving the interests of the nation only without attachment to own party and own group and personality cult."

Finally, we get to socio-economic questions. There are some welcome proposals here, such as the formation of "united farmers unions" to freely represent the interests of farmers, the legal protection of labor rights and the formation of labor unions, the abolition of forced labor, the equal treatment of all workers and protection against unemployment.

But what will the economy look like? Will Myanmar attempt to industrialize? What will be the balance between public and private, local and foreign enterprise? The speech was silent on such matters. Instead, voters were told that the NLD would "focus on seeking necessary international assistance for development of the nation," and that "it is required to make a shift to market economy with a right balance between freedom, stability and social justice, based on the rule of law."

So, there will be a market economy. But that is not all. "It is required to closely cooperate with the International Monetary Fund, International Finance Commission" — possibly a reference to the International Finance Corp., which finances private-sector projects in the developing world — and the World Bank for the development of "all State-run and private-owned businesses. NLD is paving the way for such cooperation right now."

The frequent use of the term "it is required" suggests that the speaker is one of those who believe that certain economic prescriptions are, like natural phenomena, inescapable. So were all those years under house arrest sacrificed so that Myanmar could be handed over to the same agencies which have rendered the Philippine economy dysfunctional?

Yes, a rendezvous with disappointment appears likely.

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