Sunday, May 1, 2011

Differentiating wage rate from labor cost

BACKBENCHER
Rod Kapunan
4/30-5/1/2011



Some economists would like to differentiate wage rate from labor cost to debunk the notion that high wage rate is the principal cause of the migration of factories from the United States to China and to other countries offering lower rates. This is often the case because we are confused in our understanding between wage rate, which is the amount paid to the worker for his hour of work, from the cost of labor, which is the amount that will cost the employer per unit of output.

American economist Thomas Sowell said such belief is unfounded: “When workers in a prosperous country receive wages twice as high as workers in a poor country and produce them three times the output per hour, then it is the high wage country which has the lower labor cost per unit output. That is, it is cheaper to get a given amount of work in the more prosperous country simply because it takes less hour, even though individual workers are paid more for their time.”

In that, one could see that the rate of wage is the concern of the workers, it being the basis of how much they expect to earn per hour or eight hours of work, while labor cost is the amount employers estimate will cost them per unit of product or output. Thus, if the rate of wage exceeds the cost of labor, after considering the total costs which include raw materials, electricity, rent, water, freight, insurance, currency loss adjustment, etc., most likely they would end up in losses.

But despite the high wage rate, Sowell says the price of US products remain competitive because their labor cost remains low than if the same is produced in poorer countries. That is only half the truth. Although we can never compete with the highly advanced countries in the manufacture and production of high-value and technology-based products, which is their absolute advantage, or compete in terms of capital to build industries that will usher in the economies of scale, that assertion remains true if there has been no massive migration of jobs to China and to other countries in Asia offering cheaper wage rates.

Even if 18th century economist David Ricardo acknowledged the indefeasibility of the so-called “absolute advantage” in trade, there are other factors we could develop to produce certain products in vast quantity at cheaper cost. There is still a room for us to hone ourselves in areas where we could exploit as our comparative advantage and even transform to one of economies of scale. China and India initially used their manpower surplus as their comparative advantage, and to catch up the cheaper labor cost in the US and Europe, they opted to deregulate wage.

As Sowell admitted, trade as a tool for economic advancement is not a sum-zero game where for one’s gain, one has to trade off something. If we lost in the comparative advantage to manufacture and produce textile, garments, rubber shoes, gloves, laundry soap, toilet products, toothpaste, in the packaging and assembly of computer chips, medicines, glass, cars, and, mind you, in the production of sugar and coconut, that was because we unnecessarily pushed the cost of wage to a point where ultimately it became unprofitable in terms of labor cost to produce them.

It was the system of regulated wage that destroyed the viability of our labor cost. We simply do not have that absolute advantage and the economies of scale to allow us to offset our high minimum wage to lower our labor cost. To concretize that we do not have the sufficient capital as well as technology to create that environment that would usher in the economies of scale.

If only we opted to deregulate wage, that would have given us a chance to exploit our inherent advantage of enormous manpower. Looking at it positively, wage deregulation could have become our automatic defense mechanism. So, every time a new technology is introduced in the US that will reduce their cost of labor per unit, we could easily adjust our wage to avert unemployment through retrenchment or deter employer from resorting to contractualization. Such equation is likely to happen because the application of new technology is a sum-zero game that would demand a reduction in manpower.

I am saying this because despite the rapid advancement in industrial innovations, there remains a vast portion in production activities still dependent on skilled manpower. When Sowell said that high wage per hour could be offset by lower labor cost per unit of output, he was unmindful there is a curve to his supposition. Time will come that the cost of labor per unit of output will be overtaken by the rate of wage until it reaches the point that it would no longer be feasible to offset the two. Besides, high wage rate has been the cause of festering inflation in the US rooted on the unmitigated importation and purchase of cheaper products from China, Vietnam, Cambodia, and Latin American countries.

In fact, if his theory is correct, the US car industries, then considered the colossus and most advanced, would not have collapsed had their capital and technological advantage not been affected by high wages sought by labor unions. Similarly, US computer industries would not have consigned their production of the microchips to Taiwan, China, and now India had they been able to maintain their competitive prices despite high wages paid to American workers.

This explains why our politicians make fools of themselves knowing every time they legislate to increase wage, there is always that corresponding increase in the prices of goods that adds to labor cost. The bitter joke is only about 25 percent of the country’s workers are receiving the minimum wage. Nonetheless, even if we pay them P50 to P100 less from the current amount of minimum wage, we already tampered the cost of living by our system of paying high wages. More than that, the system has rendered increases in the prices of goods inelastic, meaning that sellers would seldom reduce their prices even if there are evident factors to warrant their reduction.

  • rodkap@yahoo.com.ph

Saturday, April 30, 2011

Why Merci's resignation is void

Alan F. Paguia
Former Professor of Law
Ateneo Law School
University of Batangas
Pamantasan ng Lungsod ng Maynila
alanpaguia@yahoo.com
April 29, 2011

Merceditas Gutierrez, who claims to be Ombudsman, has tendered her resignation to President Noynoy Aquino.

Is her resignation valid?

No. It is, like her aborted impeachment, VOID ab initio.

  1. She cannot relinquish an office she no longer holds. Her term had expired in 2009.
  2. Her resignation, like her impeachment, is a cover-up for about thousands of ILLEGAL indictments and acquittals she had signed WITHOUT JURISDICTION after the automatic expiration of her inherited constitutional term. 

In other words, in spite of her dubious resignation, she still has to account for such acts of bad faith, not only to the sovereign Filipino people but also to the individual victims of her sham indictments and acquittals.

Those who were illegally indicted would do well to move to dismiss their cases. Those who were illegally acquitted should be re-investigated for possible indictment. The common ground for such courses of action would be lack of jurisdiction on the part of Gutierrez.

Friday, April 29, 2011

Political implosion imminent

DIE HARD III
Herman Tiu Laurel
4/29/2011



As I write this piece, I recall my recent radio chat with “Sorry Yellow Movement” lead convenor Linggoy Alcuaz. He sees the accelerating collapse of the current regime, citing as a major fissure in the political firmament the declared intention of the presidential uncle, Rep. Peping Cojuangco to actively join the PDP group identified with Binay. “Tito Joe,” as Peping is known in their family circle, was followed by “Tita Tingting,” who resigned from her post as head of a government safety academy connected with state security institutions.

Alcuaz adds that these tremors are just a precursor to more earthquakes ahead as the deadline nears for the one year-ban on appointments, where only one out of 10 of PeNoy’s losing partymates from the 2010 elections can ever hope to get appointed. Many of these un-appointed loyalists will then start to grumble as PeNoy is now a captive of the warring Balay and Samar groups, himself bereft of any redeeming accomplishment.

At the same time, I recall my discussions with leading pro-PeNoy figures from three major economic sections of society — the rice, dairy and coconut sectors. In all, the judgment is the same: The present government has been a massive letdown.

The rice sector’s problems are clearly reflected in the contradicting pronouncements of PeNoy’s Agriculture secretary and his National Food Authority chief, with the former declaring no need for rice imports but with the latter openly contradicting it.

In the dairy sector, the country’s premier organizer of farmer-dairy production networking and marketing says PeNoy’s government has absolutely no support for efforts to increase farm income through production substitution of the country’s yearly P100-billion dairy imports. While he admittedly supported PeNoy as he was taken in by the Yellow mania, when I reminded him that it was President Estrada who was his industry’s biggest supporter, he acknowledged his error.

The coconut industry, meanwhile, which directly and indirectly supports the livelihood of some 20 million Filipinos, initially had high hopes. Coming from the past administration’s kleptocracy, particularly in state coconut institutions such as Philcoa (which was headed by a tradpol), coconut farmers and entrepreneurs anticipated changes; but their hopes were short lived.

To everyone’s disappointment, a coconut NGO leader averred that another non-coconut man was appointed to Philcoa, resulting again in paralysis, where coconut exports slumped severely in the first quarter while coconut development programs continue to be at a standstill.

As the combined rice, dairy and coconut sectors constitute 70 percent of the country’s population, the multi-layered incompetence plus the breakdown of PeNoy’s political coalition, notwithstanding his regime’s administrative aimlessness in the critical economic sectors, all predicate disaster for the Filipino people.

Can we wait until 2016 to take another shot at changing the leadership that is obviously failing big even at this early stage? Can we sit idly by when the food price crisis starts impacting on the people by the third quarter, with the full force of a Fukushima-like tsunami and nuclear disaster, as we face PeNoy’s unceasing commitment to his masters at the US Embassy and the IMF-WB to increase VAT from 12 to 15 percent, to raise MRT/LRT fares, and to keep unchecked the murderously escalating fuel prices pushed by the global “oily-garchs?”

It probably won’t be like Oakwood in 2003 or the 2006 Marine standoff but there certainly will be a new variation that is more political than military. Such a move will be prompted by the pressing need to save the nation from the unprecedented crises that have emerged from a second of year of PeNoy’s massively failing governance and irreconcilable turf wars.

The genuine opposition must come together, prepared for this imminent implosion. By “genuine opposition,” we do not mean the GMA-led trapos who are engaged in a moro-moro with the sitting administration via a fake, acoustic war around the issues of Merci Gutierrez and this new, designed-to-fail Frank Chavez plunder case against Gloria Arroyo. (Why not revive the “Hello Garci” case when all the evidence is there?)

By genuine opposition, we mean the peasants, farmers, coconut planters, workers, as well as urban poor movements — the constituency that is bearing the brunt of PeNoy’s failures. By taking to the streets once more, much like in Edsa III of 2001, the nation can finally install a leadership that is both sincere in its passion for the people and armed with a competence born of experience, maturity and wisdom. Lest it be nipped in the bud, we shall not name names just yet. But believe me, it is growing and biding its time.

To continue our post-Lenten recap from the last column, here’s my take on the cultural front: The Revillame imbroglio is really a political campaign to clobber the entertainer for repeatedly snubbing the Yellow powers. If cultural reformation were the real goal, then they’d also have to demand for a review of Tito, Vic and Joey’s decades-long trashy fare. With the growing number of street children which the Commission on Human Rights isn’t doing anything about, this Jan-Jan child abuse charge by Etta Rosales, et al. is pure hypocrisy.

On the global front, a recent event encapsulates how pitiful some local opinion writers are for being hoodwinked by the West’s info manipulation: The resignation of Al Jazeera Beirut bureau chief, Ghassan Ben Jeddo, over his former network’s unprofessional coverage of Libya — where massacres that never took place were repeated over and over — and Bahrain — where massacres that did take place have been all but ignored. Need I say more?

(Tune in to 1098AM, Monday to Friday, 5 to 6 p.m., and Sulo ng Pilipino, Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, 6 to 7 p.m.; TNT with HTL, Tuesday, 8 to 9 p.m., with replay at 11 p.m., on GNN, Destiny Cable Channel 8, on “Edsa Tres Revisited;” visit http://newkatipunero.blogspot.com for our articles plus select radio and GNN shows)