DIE HARD III
Herman Tiu Laurel
10/4/2006
To most people Ombudsman Merceditas Guiterrez’s exoneration of Abalos from guilt in the voting machine mega-deal scandal felt like a ton of bricks crashing on them. Senator Aquilino Pimentel felt it like an intensity seven earthquake. Former Senator Salonga even wrote a commentary on Abalos’ inescapable guilt just before Merceditas’ exculpation of the Comelec chair who presided over the P 1.3-B loss to the government. The Supreme Court probably felt like getting a dose of Old Spice, i.e. a much needed slap on the face after the Ombudsman reversed its condemnation of the voting machines deal.
For Fem Domingo, former COA and presidential anti-graft chief from Cory’s time through Ramos and Estrada, Merceditas’ absolution for Abalos is “welcome news”. Although he says it in a somber tone that he finally explains, “This will convince more people that this government is hopeless already and may make them finally move to change it.” Indeed, Merceditas’ decision on Abalos’ case has been merciful in the way Fem has described it, the anti-corruption and anti-Gloria sentiment will get a tremendous boost that makes one wonder: Could Merceditas really be anti-Gloria?
The decision was, of course, made even before Merceditas could say anything about it; that is, Gloria obviously couldn’t afford having Abalos hang on the ropes too long being clobbered by the issue. Abalos could have hollered out loud the lurid details of Gloria’s “Hello Garci” exploits if Gloria hadn’t gotten a closure on the matter for him. Merceditas could have said no and pursued the principled course, that is to continue with the prosecution of Abalos and let a trial exonerate him if he were truly innocent; but as usual Gloria judges correctly the character of her appointees – no principles.
So many other public officials and private parties to litigation, particularly those fighting Gloria’s officials (like me in libel cases), get indictments on the flimsiest grounds but Abalos’ scandal involving P 1.3-B of the public’s funds with a bodega full of hack-able voting machines and a no-bid process as evidence is given a clean getaway. Merceditas even exculpated Borra who was previously found with probably cause to be impeached, but “black-mailable” information in his hands about the 2004 elections must have weighed in to overturn the Ombudsman’s earlier judgment.
I have personally been very active in the struggle to expose the Abalos cheating machines because, as even the Supreme Court says, these voting apparatuses are absolutely hack-able; i.e. easily tampered with. Of particular importance is its input/output device that was particularly prohibited but still appeared in Abalos’ machine, a guarantee that viruses and other tampering could be injected into it. As for the “sole supplier” and so-called unique features of such machines that justify the “no bid” process for the P 1.3-B deal, they can tell that to the Marines (who I’m sure won’t be listening).
What we are witnessing is the total mockery of the function of that office by its obviously obeisant occupant, Merceditras Guiterrez. The Ombudsman was designed to be a constitutional body to be independent of all other braches of government that it may be independent and free to investigate graft and corruption and eradicate society of these scourges. What we are seeing is two constitutional bodies conspiring with the executive branch to keep truth, justice and the public interest from being served and giving carte blanc to government venality.
These same exculpated Comelec bosses are to be entrusted the next electoral exercise? Merceditas Guiterrez so merciful to Abalos and so merciless to the public interest will continue to preside over corruption cases? Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo having infected the entire government with here gangrenous governance will continue to reign over this land impoverished by her cabal’s looting and plunder? Presidential anti-graft buster Fem Domingo is correct, we should welcome Merceditas’ malodorous acquittal of Abalos.
The country is in continuous turmoil even as Gloria’s spin masters try to avert the people’s attention from the daily crises and worsening corruption with economic gibberish. The military is in constant tension and more coup rumors are surfacing, partly encouraged by the Thai coup but clearly fueled by festering issues of corruption and nepotism in the military. Merceditas’ unpalatable decision adds fuel to the fire and maybe soon, to the longstanding yearning of Fem Domingo, the final revolt of the people can be sparked.
This column has been stressing the absolute insecurity of voting machines when powerful corporatocratic interests are involved. Gov. Robert L. Ehrlich Jr. of Maryland due to problems in the past election said on September 24 he lacked confidence in the state’s new $106 million electronic voting system and suggested a return to paper ballots. Two Diebold (voting machine manufacturer) technicians squealed to Robert F. Kennedy Jr. that one of their top executive secretly instructed them to install “patches” in 2004 election machines.
In a Sept. 16, 2006 Ryan Paul’s article reported “A group of Princeton computer scientists has published a study that examines flaws and vulnerabilities in Diebold’s AccuVote-TS voting machines.” Robert F. Kennedy, Jr. wrote a new article: “Will The Next Election Be Hacked?” concluding that “new evidence from an industry insider -- prove that electronic voting machines can't be trusted.” Corrupted men and machines cannot be relied upon, Merceditas Guiterrez just ensured that they will rule over our election exercises.
(Tune in to 1098AM, M-W-F 6-7pm)
Monday, March 7, 2011
Thai and Pinoy similarities
DIE HARD III
Herman Tiu Laurel
9/25/2006
Just a week into the Thai military takeover the seemingly seamless coup is revealing weak spots. Testing the waters, groups of protesters wade into the streets to demonstrate against the coup; and contradictions in the junta’s political propaganda are being noticed, although domestic media has been effectively muted if not co-opted even earlier. Still, Western media particularly CNN has been projecting it as “welcomed” by the Thais which to me confirms the thesis in my last column – this is a Western sanctioned move in cahoots with the Thai elite and civil society.
Don’t take the official Western governments’ line about “disappointment” and the coup’s its damage to democracy, we’ve heard before in many Western-backed coups against legitimately elected government. The Gloria-Angie Reyes coup against President Estrada was ostensibly lamented by the State department but the U.S. corporatocratic interests’ hands were all over it, led by what became Gloria’s Board of Economic Advisers. In 2002 the U.S. officially distanced itself from the coup against Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez but swiftly recognized the power-grabber Pedro Carmona.
Do the Thai’s really welcome the military coup there? What is certain is that the rural areas where Thaksin gets overwhelming support the best the military junta can get is a grudging resignation, and that’s not support or “welcome”; if the junta reverses Thaksin’s democratized health and credit policies this may turn to opposition quickly. I wonder if the anti-Thaksin urban civil society is happy too or just in a wait-and-see attitude of many urban Thais will turn to anti-junta sentiment if the suppression of the freedom to expression and assembly is kept over an extended period of time.
The contradictions and ironies in the claims of the coup plotters are as funny as those during the Edsa Dos civilian-Church-Big Business-military/police coup against Estrada here. The Thai junta claims to aim to “restore democracy” but they suspend all basic rights and freedom such as expression and assembly; they say they desire national unity but they are arresting leaders of one party and alienating its leader Thaksin. They charge Thaksin with corruption as if it were a new phenomenon in Thailand, but that issue is the same raised in all previous elections and coups the past four decades.
It so similar to what Edsa Dos and Gloria said and did: they claimed overwhelmingly elected Estrada was threatening democracy but when their time came to react to protests of Edsa Tres they sent APC’s (Armoured Personnel Carriers) to the only radio-TV station, DZEC reporting the protest every hour to stop it; they not only violently beat up and tear-gassed the Edsa Tres protesters at Malacañang but mowed them down with machineguns killing close to two dozens who has not been given justice up to this day. The dictatorial repression, as we all know now, has intensified since then.
Corruption issues are being raised against Thaksin just as they were raised against Estrada who both have very lucrative independent sources of income outside of government and political commerce. The SAL (statement of assets and liabilities) is being raised against Thaksin just as it was against Estrada, but in Thaksin’s case there was no falsification or perjury of any sort while Estrada’s was not afforded the normal opportunity to update his declaration. In Thaksin’s controversial sale of his telecom company no one has claimed any violation of law, avoidance maybe but not evasion.
There has been no charge that Thaksin stole from government coffers as in Estrada’s case where the plunder charges are linked to alleged jueteng funds which is not government money, while the tobacco excise tax issue leads more to Chavit than anyone else. Thaksin ran his government as he would his companies, the impatient executive style that did not put a premium on niceties and consensus building (if at all possible in a parliamentary system) to get things done – that did rub off wrongly on many in government; but the rural folks and the poor liked that as it delivered fast on their needs.
I am defending Thaksin because I am defending the principle of Vox Populi, the democratic vote, and exposing the lies and obfuscations that are the standard propaganda ploys used by special interest and small but powerful vested interest groups and the un-elected and un-electable elitist “civil society” groups in international and local political-economies conspiring with military putsch-ists to subvert a leader the popular will has entrusted their welfare to. After the coup, the powerful and conspiratorial minority groups can now command the resources of the state for themselves rather than for the people.
There is another matter that I have taken note of but have not completed understanding yet. This is the role of former military turned prime minister Prem Tinsulanonda who had trained in the U.S. military schools too and known for his anti-communist campaigns. During his time as appointed prime minister had dissolved parliament too and was forced to resign due to political unrest. Is this an FVR version of Thailand, the retired “statesman” maneuvering in the shadows for the vested interest groups?
Thailand and the Philippines have often been likened to twins sisters, with almost the same size and population and political history in the Asean (which used to be Seato). They have much to learn from each other.
(Tune in to 1098AM, M-W-F 6-7pm; T-Th 3-4pm)
Herman Tiu Laurel
9/25/2006
Just a week into the Thai military takeover the seemingly seamless coup is revealing weak spots. Testing the waters, groups of protesters wade into the streets to demonstrate against the coup; and contradictions in the junta’s political propaganda are being noticed, although domestic media has been effectively muted if not co-opted even earlier. Still, Western media particularly CNN has been projecting it as “welcomed” by the Thais which to me confirms the thesis in my last column – this is a Western sanctioned move in cahoots with the Thai elite and civil society.
Don’t take the official Western governments’ line about “disappointment” and the coup’s its damage to democracy, we’ve heard before in many Western-backed coups against legitimately elected government. The Gloria-Angie Reyes coup against President Estrada was ostensibly lamented by the State department but the U.S. corporatocratic interests’ hands were all over it, led by what became Gloria’s Board of Economic Advisers. In 2002 the U.S. officially distanced itself from the coup against Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez but swiftly recognized the power-grabber Pedro Carmona.
Do the Thai’s really welcome the military coup there? What is certain is that the rural areas where Thaksin gets overwhelming support the best the military junta can get is a grudging resignation, and that’s not support or “welcome”; if the junta reverses Thaksin’s democratized health and credit policies this may turn to opposition quickly. I wonder if the anti-Thaksin urban civil society is happy too or just in a wait-and-see attitude of many urban Thais will turn to anti-junta sentiment if the suppression of the freedom to expression and assembly is kept over an extended period of time.
The contradictions and ironies in the claims of the coup plotters are as funny as those during the Edsa Dos civilian-Church-Big Business-military/police coup against Estrada here. The Thai junta claims to aim to “restore democracy” but they suspend all basic rights and freedom such as expression and assembly; they say they desire national unity but they are arresting leaders of one party and alienating its leader Thaksin. They charge Thaksin with corruption as if it were a new phenomenon in Thailand, but that issue is the same raised in all previous elections and coups the past four decades.
It so similar to what Edsa Dos and Gloria said and did: they claimed overwhelmingly elected Estrada was threatening democracy but when their time came to react to protests of Edsa Tres they sent APC’s (Armoured Personnel Carriers) to the only radio-TV station, DZEC reporting the protest every hour to stop it; they not only violently beat up and tear-gassed the Edsa Tres protesters at Malacañang but mowed them down with machineguns killing close to two dozens who has not been given justice up to this day. The dictatorial repression, as we all know now, has intensified since then.
Corruption issues are being raised against Thaksin just as they were raised against Estrada who both have very lucrative independent sources of income outside of government and political commerce. The SAL (statement of assets and liabilities) is being raised against Thaksin just as it was against Estrada, but in Thaksin’s case there was no falsification or perjury of any sort while Estrada’s was not afforded the normal opportunity to update his declaration. In Thaksin’s controversial sale of his telecom company no one has claimed any violation of law, avoidance maybe but not evasion.
There has been no charge that Thaksin stole from government coffers as in Estrada’s case where the plunder charges are linked to alleged jueteng funds which is not government money, while the tobacco excise tax issue leads more to Chavit than anyone else. Thaksin ran his government as he would his companies, the impatient executive style that did not put a premium on niceties and consensus building (if at all possible in a parliamentary system) to get things done – that did rub off wrongly on many in government; but the rural folks and the poor liked that as it delivered fast on their needs.
I am defending Thaksin because I am defending the principle of Vox Populi, the democratic vote, and exposing the lies and obfuscations that are the standard propaganda ploys used by special interest and small but powerful vested interest groups and the un-elected and un-electable elitist “civil society” groups in international and local political-economies conspiring with military putsch-ists to subvert a leader the popular will has entrusted their welfare to. After the coup, the powerful and conspiratorial minority groups can now command the resources of the state for themselves rather than for the people.
There is another matter that I have taken note of but have not completed understanding yet. This is the role of former military turned prime minister Prem Tinsulanonda who had trained in the U.S. military schools too and known for his anti-communist campaigns. During his time as appointed prime minister had dissolved parliament too and was forced to resign due to political unrest. Is this an FVR version of Thailand, the retired “statesman” maneuvering in the shadows for the vested interest groups?
Thailand and the Philippines have often been likened to twins sisters, with almost the same size and population and political history in the Asean (which used to be Seato). They have much to learn from each other.
(Tune in to 1098AM, M-W-F 6-7pm; T-Th 3-4pm)
Thai Parliamentary fiasco and Vox Populi
DIE HARD III
Herman Tiu Laurel
9/22/2006
Gloria, Joe de Venecia and the “Singaw ng Bayan” call for a parliamentary system are the biggest losers in the coup in Thailand. Their claims that parliamentary government would bring the country stability, rid it of political gridlock and pave the way to enhanced democracy. Ha, ha, ha, ha, these turds should be flushed down the toilet with their dirty, lying propositions meant only to cover up their stealing of the people’s vote twice before and now with finality for a third time if cha-cha passes.
No system of democratic government can provide stability if there are forces that refuse to accept the popular will when fails to suit their factional, parochial or financial interests. Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra has been consistently praised for his handling of the Thai economy emerging from the 1997 financial crisis (engineered by Western speculator George Soros) and hugely popular with the Thai population who benefited from his “universal access to healthcare, a 3-year debt moratorium for farmers, and 1 million THB development funds for all Thai villages”.
I have not seen any assessment of the Thai crisis that goes deeper than Thaksin’s alleged “corruption”, and they haven’t enumerated those cases. The only instance they cite is the sale of the Thaksin family’s telecom company to the Singaporean government interests controlled by senior adviser Lee Kwan Yew, but even Thaksin’s detractors admit there was no law violated in the purely private transaction involving no government money. This reminds me of the concocted corruption cases against President Estrada.
The General Sonthi Boonvartklin coup was an anti-democratic intervention meant to prevent a democratically elected political leader from sealing his mandate. Thaksin had handily won a recent election run to test his legitimacy but was questioned by civil society and opposition elements, and even the Thai Supreme Court was badly conflicted due to the crisis. Another election was called for October 15. But Tahksin was certain to win the new elections because of his popularity stemming from policies that cared for the popular welfare.
Anti-Thaksin forces had to act to prevent the election. Thus, this coup by the military with the blessings of the Thai King. The Thai monarchy is but a figurehead in this conflict as it often is in Thai history, riding out the internal conflicts by an intricate balancing act and always betting on powerful winning side – often where the barrel of the gun is and appeasement when forces ready to split the country runs high. What is at the root of the crisis then? To discern this we must review the history of the present crisis, and the root certainly isn’t corruption.
Corruption as an issue is the most convenient propaganda to use against a popular leader and for destabilization of a legitimate government, but a review of his past five years’ economics and governance does not confirm corruption to be a hallmark of Thaksin. He was tough against the illegal drugs trade ordering summary liquidation of pushers but which received high marks from the public. Most popular was his economic rural pump priming. Thaksin was on the road to consolidating his government in the manner of Lee Kwan Yew and Mohammad Mahathir.
The privatization of Thailand’s state-owned energy company came up, which the Thai Supreme Court thumbed down. A surge arose in anti-Thaksin protests led by media mogul (ala Lopez here) Sondhi Limtongkul (a partner of Wall Street’s Dow Jones company) and the civil society. Then Thaksin’s sale of his multi-billion dollar telecoms company to Singapore was taken up by the anti-Tahksin forces as the main issue. Behind the rising political conflict in Thailand is the issue of control of national wealth and economy through its lucrative state and public utility enterprises.
Thaksin did not favor the Thai elite and its foreign partners. The ultimate loser is the broad masses of Thais. It parallels the Filipino elite’s attacks on Estrada who had a landslide mandate (which non-explainer Manuel Quezon III tries to degrade); they hated President Estrada for refusing the radical rise of power and water rates, and sovereign guarantee to trans-nationals. In elite parochial and factional interests hands, Thailand’s economic good fortunes, like the Philippines, will decline. The Thai military moved to replace the popular mandate with might hoping to resolve a political impasse but it remains to be seen where this will lead.
The Philippines is often cited as the twin sister of Thailand, but unlike Thaksin Gloria has not acted to benefit only the foreign and elite interests in a society with even great divides than Thailand. Many complain that Thailand beat us to “it”, i.e. the coup. The truth is Thailand is only now experiencing the coup in 2001 against Erap’s elected government. The people’s will is the central issue, while the Thai elite and military averted Thaksin’s October 15 re-election, Gloria and her cabal thwarted the people’s will again in stealing FPJ’s 2004 victory.
While a country refuses to accept the absolute supremacy of Vox Populi, stability and growth will always be elusive. No parliamentary system can change that - in the Philippine or Thailand as in Budapest, Hungary which parliamentary and in turmoil. Let’s hope the Philippine military learns from these lessons and help restore Vox Populi. General Esperon, do you hear?
(Tune to 1098AM, M-W-F 6-7pm and T-Th 3-3pm)
Herman Tiu Laurel
9/22/2006
Gloria, Joe de Venecia and the “Singaw ng Bayan” call for a parliamentary system are the biggest losers in the coup in Thailand. Their claims that parliamentary government would bring the country stability, rid it of political gridlock and pave the way to enhanced democracy. Ha, ha, ha, ha, these turds should be flushed down the toilet with their dirty, lying propositions meant only to cover up their stealing of the people’s vote twice before and now with finality for a third time if cha-cha passes.
No system of democratic government can provide stability if there are forces that refuse to accept the popular will when fails to suit their factional, parochial or financial interests. Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra has been consistently praised for his handling of the Thai economy emerging from the 1997 financial crisis (engineered by Western speculator George Soros) and hugely popular with the Thai population who benefited from his “universal access to healthcare, a 3-year debt moratorium for farmers, and 1 million THB development funds for all Thai villages”.
I have not seen any assessment of the Thai crisis that goes deeper than Thaksin’s alleged “corruption”, and they haven’t enumerated those cases. The only instance they cite is the sale of the Thaksin family’s telecom company to the Singaporean government interests controlled by senior adviser Lee Kwan Yew, but even Thaksin’s detractors admit there was no law violated in the purely private transaction involving no government money. This reminds me of the concocted corruption cases against President Estrada.
The General Sonthi Boonvartklin coup was an anti-democratic intervention meant to prevent a democratically elected political leader from sealing his mandate. Thaksin had handily won a recent election run to test his legitimacy but was questioned by civil society and opposition elements, and even the Thai Supreme Court was badly conflicted due to the crisis. Another election was called for October 15. But Tahksin was certain to win the new elections because of his popularity stemming from policies that cared for the popular welfare.
Anti-Thaksin forces had to act to prevent the election. Thus, this coup by the military with the blessings of the Thai King. The Thai monarchy is but a figurehead in this conflict as it often is in Thai history, riding out the internal conflicts by an intricate balancing act and always betting on powerful winning side – often where the barrel of the gun is and appeasement when forces ready to split the country runs high. What is at the root of the crisis then? To discern this we must review the history of the present crisis, and the root certainly isn’t corruption.
Corruption as an issue is the most convenient propaganda to use against a popular leader and for destabilization of a legitimate government, but a review of his past five years’ economics and governance does not confirm corruption to be a hallmark of Thaksin. He was tough against the illegal drugs trade ordering summary liquidation of pushers but which received high marks from the public. Most popular was his economic rural pump priming. Thaksin was on the road to consolidating his government in the manner of Lee Kwan Yew and Mohammad Mahathir.
The privatization of Thailand’s state-owned energy company came up, which the Thai Supreme Court thumbed down. A surge arose in anti-Thaksin protests led by media mogul (ala Lopez here) Sondhi Limtongkul (a partner of Wall Street’s Dow Jones company) and the civil society. Then Thaksin’s sale of his multi-billion dollar telecoms company to Singapore was taken up by the anti-Tahksin forces as the main issue. Behind the rising political conflict in Thailand is the issue of control of national wealth and economy through its lucrative state and public utility enterprises.
Thaksin did not favor the Thai elite and its foreign partners. The ultimate loser is the broad masses of Thais. It parallels the Filipino elite’s attacks on Estrada who had a landslide mandate (which non-explainer Manuel Quezon III tries to degrade); they hated President Estrada for refusing the radical rise of power and water rates, and sovereign guarantee to trans-nationals. In elite parochial and factional interests hands, Thailand’s economic good fortunes, like the Philippines, will decline. The Thai military moved to replace the popular mandate with might hoping to resolve a political impasse but it remains to be seen where this will lead.
The Philippines is often cited as the twin sister of Thailand, but unlike Thaksin Gloria has not acted to benefit only the foreign and elite interests in a society with even great divides than Thailand. Many complain that Thailand beat us to “it”, i.e. the coup. The truth is Thailand is only now experiencing the coup in 2001 against Erap’s elected government. The people’s will is the central issue, while the Thai elite and military averted Thaksin’s October 15 re-election, Gloria and her cabal thwarted the people’s will again in stealing FPJ’s 2004 victory.
While a country refuses to accept the absolute supremacy of Vox Populi, stability and growth will always be elusive. No parliamentary system can change that - in the Philippine or Thailand as in Budapest, Hungary which parliamentary and in turmoil. Let’s hope the Philippine military learns from these lessons and help restore Vox Populi. General Esperon, do you hear?
(Tune to 1098AM, M-W-F 6-7pm and T-Th 3-3pm)
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